Korean: Assimilation



The Pinnacle of Unity: Korean-American Cultural Assimilation in NYC
          In 2000, the NYC census bureau counted about 71,000 Korean-Americans living in NYC. According to the National Association of Korean Americans website, the national population of Korean-Americans stands at 1,228,427, "including mix-bloods." The distinction of "mixed-blood" from "full-blood" illustrates how dramatically generational differences have shaped the process of Korean assimilation into American society.
Popular belief holds that New York's Korean community has enjoyed financial success. Koreans have monopolized niche markets such as nail salons, delis, and grocery stores. The community is also known for its tendency to "cluster." Both second and first generation Koreans we spoke to suggested that such financial stability and unity somewhat hindered assimilation, especially for first generation immigrants. Heon, a 1.5 generation Korean, came to Sunnyside, Queens in 1987. Drawing from her parents' and friends' experience, she surmises that business is often the first priority of Korean immigrants, so they do not initially focus on learning English and understanding American norms. The cohesion and support of the Korean network in NYC makes it possible for one to never learn English and to remain isolated from American cultural norms for ones entire life. Pastor Jae Aha of the Korean Presbyterian Church in Flushing, Queens, addressed the "cluster" trend by explaining that such tight-knit communities represent a way to mitigate the powerlessness of foreigners in America; with critical mass, immigrants can make sure their political and social needs are met.
The concept of a "1.5 generation," is prominent within the Korean community in NYC. This generation refers to people who immigrated while still minors, so they are neither fully Americanized nor fully steeped in the culture of their sending country. There are distinct cultural differences between 1st, 1.5, and 2nd generation Koreans. Pastor Jae Aha, who moved here as a young adult, and Heon, who moved here when she was 2 years old, agree that diet preferences, the language barrier, and modern technology are the most obvious ways in which these differences manifest. Heon's parents, despite having lived in America for over 25 years, still rely on her to translate things from English to Korean, and refuse to cook non-Korean cuisine. During adolescence, such resistance to assimilation frustrated her relationship to her parents and to American society. Pastor Jae Aha remarked on a more universal rift between generations: younger Korean-Americans often prefer to communicate through text or e-mail, while older Korean-Americans prefer "to speak in person."
 From a sociological standpoint, Korean and American cultures hold differing premises concerning what makes a society function smoothly. Jongsuk Song, a curator at the Lee Young Hee Museum of Korean Culture in Koreatown, Manhattan, said that Korean society places a lot of weight on the "collective," while American society emphasizes the power of the "individual." Such differences can disrupt social dynamics within immigrant families. For example, when a 2nd generation child does not show enough respect to his or her 1st generation Korean parents, or when a child wants to marry someone without his or her parents’ consent. Such behavior is interpreted as destructive towards the ideal of collective effort, which values obedience and loyalty above all.
 Yet the various sources of friction across generational lines do not impede Korean-Americans’ ability to cultivate and preserve a Korean community in the USA. The Christian church serves as a foundation for Korean-Americans of all denominations. According to Heon, "everyone meets each other in the church." At the Korean Presbyterian Church, members have the option of participating Korean-speaking congregation or an English-speaking congregation. Pastor Jae Aha says that only about 5 members of the church are non-Korean. The reason for this ethnic homogeneity? "You know how white people play with white people, it's the same here," said the Pastor.

15 comments:

  1. So why do you think there is such a large gap between the first and second generation? If the children are not raised in an Americanized society, then what gives them such American ideals? Education seems like an obvious factor, but did you come across any other factors that may have influenced the formation of this gap?

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  2. Great article guys! Do you think that the underlying distinction between 2nd generation children and their parents is that the Chinese-American children desire to socialize with Americans, rather than seclude themselves? Do you think that it's possible for the 2nd generation to find a balance between embracing America and preserving their parents' valuable culture?

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  5. Reads like a newspaper article - impeccable embodiment of a journalistic style. The conclusion hits home.
    In regards to the content, I am curious as to the psychological implications on kids and parents of differing levels of assimilation within a single family. How does it feel to be labeled a "1.5 generation"?
    This is fairly similar to what we read about the negative impacts of role reversals among immigrant families. What are the consequences of separation among a single family? How does it make collective assimilation
    more of a struggle if they can't support each other?

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    1. While I'd have to do more research to verify that this is a trend, I observed that the 1.5 generation seemed almost "self-labelled." The woman who used the word to describe herself presented a healthy connection to American culture, and a healthy, but more distanced, connection to Korean culture. Instead of being a source of emotional conflict, her dual-orientations seemed to provide a level of comfort, an facet of her identity that invited good-natured exploration.

      Also, the role reversals mentioned in the Rumbaut reading were a little heady for me. All tangled up in data tables and sandwiched between extraneously lofty vocabulary. But with my general understanding of the concepts, the Korean-American community experiences a rather benign form of cultural assimilation. While the first generation and subsequent generations have their differences, this rarely seems to result in a fractured community, rarely seems to create downward mobility, as Rumbaut suggested it does for certain other immigrant groups.

      I cannot say why exactly, but maybe it has to do with cultural values that Koreans bring with them from home. Korean society strikes me as efficient because it focuses on a collective goals and integration. People are expected to work hard and for a cause that is greater than the self. Maybe this helps explain why these generational differences do not have super negative effects on the Korean-American community.

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  6. but in some ways they do seem to assimilate. we noticed too that the Chinese have a tendency to stick together, hence the surplus of "China Towns" but it seems that both groups are assimilating through business and mixing in that general sense. for example the nail salons mentioned are often styled for the use of americans, if making money is their main priority i would assume that it would be necessary for some assimilation to american culture. so you think that maybe the 1.5 and 2nd generations are mixing more because of a need for social mixing? or economic?

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  7. Very fascinating idea about Korean culture placing emphasis on collective, while American culture places emphasis on individual. Where else can we find this to be true/untrue?

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  8. You included some very interesting points that Pastor Jae Aha made. I found the premise difference between Americans and Koreans to be especially interesting. I did not know Koreans valued "collectiveness" as opposed to the individual. Since Korean immigrants tend to stick together and have formed an enclave in New York City shouldn't it be easy to raise their kids with Korean ideals? If it isn't, it must be harder because of the kids experiences in America that their parents cannot control such as in school. Do they not realize this before moving to America that there is a good chance their kids will want to adapt to American culture instead of Korean?

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    1. It was really interesting to read about the 1.5th generation because, despite many similarities between assimilation for the 1st versus the second generations, my group did not encounter a 1.5th generation in Chinatown. Not only that, but I have many friends back home who would be considered 1.5th generation, friends who came to America when they were only toddlers or elementary schoolers; however, their parents seem a lot more modern than the parents you described in your article. What do you think it is about NYC that would create a more distinct and less assimilated 2nd generation than those I've found in California?

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    2. Sorry that wasn't supposed to be a reply ._.

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  9. really interesting stuff about the 1.5 generation. however, this article seemed to focus more on the generation differences within the korean community and not as much about the assimilation of koreans in american society. Also, what are koreans' take on being stereotyped into the larger category of 'asian' and not being known as korean?

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    1. Yes, definitely needs more focus on ASSIMILATION, or a different title. Thanks for finding the real angle of the article.

      But we should explore why these generational differences were the first thing mentioned when we asked people about assimilation. We should try to explain that connection.

      Also, yes, we did not address that racial tension in our conversations or in our articles. Definitely worth of our attention. So much more research to do! (Thanks and No Thanks, Roni).

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  10. Does this 1.5 generation exist in other cultures? or is it just in Korea-if so, why?

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